Securitization theory is one of the most widely used contemporary Security theories, which has been used by researchers to explain various Security phenomena and issues. This theory, which was first presented by the Copenhagen School, is still subject to modification and innovation to improve its practicality by covering its theoretical and operational weaknesses. Based on documentary studies, this article tries to explain some of these efforts and explain some of these innovations, which are known as "post-Copenhagen" theorists. The view of these thinkers on Security is more watered than sociological theories and they have expanded the constructionist understanding of Security. In addition to the role of speech act, they have talked about the role of context in strengthening or weakening Security, they want to pay more attention to the role of the audience in the process of Security, and present a more complex and complete picture of Security.They also try to improve the applicability of this theory by focusing on methodological issues. However, the hybrid nature of the theory, its context, methodological problems and some neglected aspects of the theory are among the most important challenges that have created problems for it in the field of opinion and practice.

The following article seeks to answer the main question: What Security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and Security strategies in this Security approach? The research hypothesis is that the Security approach of Hassan Rouhani's government, influenced by the requirements of social fields, had a McNamara approach; In a way, the link between Security and development, and especially economic, social and political development, has been a priority. The findings show that the Eleventh Government considers national power to be the result of a broader definition of Security and considers it a strategic mistake to limit this concept to military power and the use of harsh tools. It has maximized the issue of Security and has tried to improve the national Security situation by relying on development policies in the fields of economy, society and politics. Qualitative research method of causal explanation and conceptual and theoretical tools for subject analysis, using the Security theory of Barry Buzan and Weaver is one of the leading experts of the Copenhagen School. The method of data collection is also library and also the use of scientific resources of cyberspace.

The new generation of studies on Security is an outcome of the transition from the Cold War that has turned the traditional concepts and definitions of Security to something new that includes diverse aspects such as political, economic, social, and environmental matters. This study attempts to discuss and analyze one of the most dangerous and complicated threats of the world Security and an effective variable on the Islamic Republic of Iran`s Security, namely ISIS. In fact, the study is carried out to answer this fundamental question, “How can Iran`s Security be effected by ISIS as a threat? ”. The qualitative analysis of available data reveals that ISIS presence and influence in the region in terms of Security to act as a double-edged sword for Iran's Security. Ignorance about each edge of the abovementioned blade can result in the flawed analysis of ISIS impacts on Iran's Security. This article is an applied research with qualitative research method in which an attempt is made to measure the impact of the independent variable of "ISIS" on "Iran's Security".

Central Asia has been characterized by some regional disputes and tensions including the Securitization of border and territorial disputes, water and environment issues, ethnic and linguistic identities, communication corridors and energy transmission lines for more than two decades. However, it has gradually entered a new era of detente and de-Securitization since a decade ago that is the transformation of an issue from an urgent political situation into a normal one. This trend has intensified in the past decade with the new generation of regional leaders and the normalization of Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations. As a result of these developments, many issues such as water, environment, borders and crossings, communication corridors and energy transmission lines, have been gradually taken out of their past securitized situation and have entered into a normal one. The present literature addresses the question that what causes and contexts have led to the dé tente and de-Securitization in Central Asia? In order to reply the mentioned question, the hypothesis can be put forward that "the advent of a new generation of Central Asian leaders as securitizing actors, the new discourse of new leaders and elites, the shared benefits of expanding energy transmission lines and communication and transit corridors as well as common water and environmental threats, have led to detente and de-Securitization in Central Asia". In order to evaluate the proposed hypothesis, the author attempts to provide a better understanding of the new developments taking place in Central Asia by applying the theoretical concepts and components of Securitization and de-Securitization as presented in Copenhagen Security School.

After collapse of the bipolar system and disintegration of the Soviet Union, it was forecasted that all institutions and mechanisms related to the system would disappear, but the two Security pacts, Warsaw and NATO, which had emerged out of the Cold War, encountered two different destinies. Warsaw Pact was disbanded following the disintegration of the USSR, but while the same destiny was expected for NATO, it succeeded in overcoming its identity crisis by redefining its functions and duties and justified its existence in 21st century. A pact that seems meaningless, while the United Nations is the custodian of stability and Security in the world, was not only able to survive by structural and semantic changes, but act as the executive arm of the United Nations and the world police while the Security Council suffers from an executive vacuum. The change in the concept of Security may have played the most important role in this survival. In the post Cold War era we are witnessing the formation of approaches in international relations which are focusing on redefining the concept of Security. So, the main question of this research is how NATO defines the concept of Security in the new world order and how it has structurally modified itself to coordinate with this change. Copenhagen School as one of the most prominent Schools of the field redefined the concept of Security by offering a comprehensive interpretation of the concept of Security and expanded the scope of Security to multiple dimensions. Accordingly, after the Cold War, the nature of the threats has changed and they have become more widespread and diverse. In this regard, by the change in the concept of Security from hardware and unilateral dimension during the cold war to software and multilateral in the post Cold War era, we are seeing changes in the functions of NATO from a mere military institution to a political-Security institution.

Using effective tools and methods to create a positive image of country is an important issue in public diplomacy. Given that Africa is one of the strategic areas for the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iran must identify and use of its existing capabilities, to improve its image in this region. This is an important issue for I. R. Iran,because Iran’, s rivals in the region are working harldly to present a “, securitized image”,of Iran,which means that Iranian public diplomacy should be move active. Now this question arises: what is the effective strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran for the success in public diplomacy at Africa? In the present study, a descriptive-analytical approach, using library documents and resources, have been used. According this approach authors use Copenhagen School theory for analyzing environment situation. Then, using in-depth interviews with 20 experts in the field of Africa and public diplomacy, as well as using the SOWT Matrix, for designing Strategies. The results, therefore, imply that a rethinking strategy could strengthen Iran's public diplomacy on the continent by weakening the Security outlook on Iran's activities in Africa.

The Israel’ s Security policy has been essentially affected by the prevailing Middle East geopolitical-Security situation. This regime thus has been striving to meet goals such as legitimacy, neutralizing the pressure of regional public opinions, weakening the Axis of Resistance and helping pro-Western governments gaining power in the Middle East. Domestically and internationally, Israel is gripped with violence, expansionism, structural crisis and constraints. As a matter of fact, there is a kind of duality governing the Israel’ s foreign policy. On the one hand, Israel is expansionist in the sense that it has engaged in regional wars and conflicts to expand its territorial borders and enhance its Security and power. On the other hand, it has the most vulnerable Security environment. The conflict-ridden region Israel is located as well as strategic relations with the US and political and economic supports of the latter are important issues in any study of the Israel’ s foreign policy. Israel’ s strategy of adaptation to regional issues such as a stronger Axis of Resistance and its influential actors, Arab dissidents and international powers has led to the emergence of a military-based policy on the part of Israel. This research attempts to address this question: what are the influencing, intervening factors in shaping the Israel’ s foreign policy in the Middle East set?

The noticeable evolutions and changes, in Uzbekistan’ s foreign policy particularly towards Tajikistan that occurred after the sudden death of Islam Karimov on September 2016, arouses the following questions: a) What are the causes for dé tente and de-Securitization in Tajikistan-Uzbekistan relations? b) What ramifications does the mentioned issue bring along? In order to answer the mentioned questions, the author argues that the change in Uzbekistan’ s leadership and Mirziyoyev’ s effort for domestic growth and development, developing and extending energy pipelines and corridors in the region, besides leaving Karimov’ scult of personality have all led to transforming Uzbekistan’ s foreign policy and strengthening regional cooperation with the participation of five Central Asian states. In order to assess the literature’ s hypothesis, the author addresses Tajikistan and Uzbekistan’ s relations in two specific eras of Securitization (1991-2016) and de-Securitization (since September 2016), based on descriptive-analytical method and applying theoretical concepts and factors of (de)Securitization within the Copenhagen School of Security. During the first decade that encompasses a long period of Karimov’ s leadership in Uzbekistan (1991-2016), many social (ethnicity, language and culture) and economic (water resources and environment) issues between the both nations were deviated from their natural and normal direction and became politicized and securitized. However, during the letter era, Uzbekistan was experiencing an evolution that was derived of two main reasons; a) a change of elites and actors in Uzbekistan, particularly Karimov and Inoyatov; b) Mirziyoyev’ s taking the power. The mentioned factors changed Uzbekistan’ s dominant discourse towards Tajikistan. This discourse change led to a better cooperation among the five Central Asian states in diverse areas without an involvement of external powers especially the Russian Federation and China.

Immigration has experienced a significant surge in the past few decades as a result of a variety of factors. The proximity of Europe to critical regions, such as the Middle East and North Africa, has resulted in an increase in the immigration of Muslims to Europe since 2015. However, in recent years, extreme right-wing and racist tendencies have gained traction in nearly all European countries. Some extreme right-wing parties and Western media have used immigrants, particularly Muslims, as a convenient scapegoat, characterizing them as threats to their identity, values, culture, and economy. This study analyzed the perception of Europeans toward Muslim immigrants to determine whether the immigration of Muslims to the European Union (EU) is a genuine or fabricated threat. This was a descriptive-analytical study that employed the Copenhagen School as the theoretical framework. The study findings indicated that the immigration of Muslims to European countries is predominantly a threat fabricated by certain politicians.

Since 2002, Iran's nuclear program has been the most important topics in international level. Since the introduction of this program, led by the United States and other Western countries, a backlash against it has been started and consequently the Western media and the International Atomic Energy Agency have aggrandized it and have tried to show it as threat. The aim of this paper is to study the role of Western media and the International Atomic Energy Agency on Securitization and aggrandizement of Iranian nuclear program to their audience in the past ten years. This study seeks to answer the questions; how were the Western media and International Atomic Energy Agency's approach in Securitization of Iran’s nuclear activities? Why top Western newspapers and International Atomic Energy Agency have used negatively charged words and phrases to show Iranian peaceful nuclear program as threat? The Research hypothesis states that the selected Western media editorials (Wall Street Journal, Guardian, Washington Post, and Daily Telegraph) as well as IAEA have tried to construct a connection between world Security and Iran's nuclear program. The questions and hypothesis would be evaluated in a cross-sectional manner. In this study, the Copenhagen School is used as a theoretical framework.